Towards The Renewal Of The Church In Korea: Interaction Between Revival And Protest Theologies

The advent and growth of Protestant Christianity in Korea occurred during one of the most turbulent times in Korean modern history. Several major political crises occurred during this period, including the Gapshin Coup (1884), the Sino-Japanese War (1894–5), the Russo-Japanese War (1904–5), the Japanese annexation of Korea (1910–45), the Korean War (1950–1953), and the struggle for democracy of the 1970s and 1980s. Amidst uncertainty and chaos, people desperately sought stability and security, and Christianity was accepted by many, not only for spiritual and religious reasons but also as a means of sociopolitical change. The introduction of Christianity to the Korean peninsula¹ had a significant impact on Korean history, and Korean Christianity was developed in a unique way by Koreans themselves. While foreign missionaries did greatly influence the Korean understanding of Christianity—in ideology, church polity, society, and politics—more importantly, Christianity was formed by Koreans who accepted and interpreted it according to their own purposes and needs. In other words, there was a process of selection and reinterpretation of Christian teachings and practices, and through this, Korea’s unique Christianity was created.²

On the one hand, religiously and spiritually, there was a fascination with the Bible’s teachings that accompanied a groundbreaking spiritual transformation from notions of the past. On the other hand, Christianity became a catalyst in response to a national crisis, to bring socioeconomic progress and restore Korean political authority. That is, there was an aspect of severance from traditional beliefs and acceptance of the “gospel,” a message of a new religio-cultural transformation. In pursuing autonomy and independence as part of the country’s continuous sociopolitical reform and modernization, there was also a need to maintain religious or conceptual continuity and to accept Christianity as a tool toward those ends. Early Korean Christians embraced both “spiritual” and “secular” understandings of Christianity.

In my view, the unique theology that was formed in Korea can be divided into five categories: commitment to Scripture, the gospel of holistic blessing, justice for the poor and oppressed, integration of the gospel with culture, and the reconciliation of a divided Korea.³ In this article, the above characteristics of the Korean church’s theology are condensed and divided into “revival theology” and “protest theology.” Revival theology stressed an ardent devotion to the Bible and the pursuit of spiritual experience, in the context of Bible studies and revival meetings that formed the Korean church. Reform activities—such as education, formation of sociopolitical organizations, and participation in public life—were expressed in the Korean enlightenment movement, the March First Movement, and later, the democratization movement. These two theologies have been classified as spiritual and introverted on the one side, and social and extroverted on the other. From denominational or ecclesiastical perspectives, they have been divided into “conservative” and “progressive.” But, in this article, I show that while these two theologies have superficial differences, in reality, both theologies continue to coexist within their respective communities and they continue to influence each other. For the sake of authentic renewal in the church today, it is important that these two theologies are held in creative tension, and each community needs to recognize the diversity within itself. First, we will discuss the two theologies.

Revival Theology through Bible Study and Evangelism

Although not exceptional in the global history of Christianity, Korean Christianity particularly emphasizes the Bible. Before official missionaries arrived in Korea, the New Testament had already been translated in China and Japan by missionaries and Korean converts and distributed in Korea. The first Protestant church was founded by Koreans who took the lead in Bible translation, and the way local Christians interacted with the Bible in this context gave birth to the unique Korean character of Christianity. In fact, the tradition of Bible study, or sagyeunghoe, was the most typical characteristic of early Korean Christianity, so much so that one missionary called Korean Christianity “Bible Christianity.”⁴

The Bible profoundly influenced Korean Christians to spread this gospel to others as a major guide to spiritual, moral, and ethical conduct in their private and public lives. It made an impact in preparing Koreans for entry into the modern era and to embrace such broad fields as literacy, women’s education, justice, reconciliation, hope, and equality to respond to sociopolitical crises. In particular, Korean women who became Christians experienced many positive life changes when they came into contact with the Bible and, in turn, attempted to bring about social change. Since they were expected to learn to read the Bible, they could then read newspapers, giving them access to the public world of men. Women’s education was one of the factors challenging the traditional rigid Confucian order by questioning the double standards of patriarchal forms and heterosexual morality.⁵ Christianity drew women into new and stronger networks within the church. They campaigned for literacy, started a sobriety movement, and protested against concubinage.⁶ The gospel spread among women, who were the leaders of local prayer groups held at home. Converts testified of their faith to other women and led them to church.

This passion for the Bible led to the revival meetings. A series of revivals led by Korean church leaders from the beginning of the 20th century brought a dynamism through which Korean Christians experienced true repentance and forgiveness, which then made it possible for them to confidently spread the gospel and keep their faith even in difficult times. The revival meetings asked for forgiveness of sins and salvation for individuals and nations. The messages of the preachers and the expectations of the congregations were directed toward something beyond this world. Korea’s great revival movement of 1903–1907 was part of the global revival phenomenon that originated from the Holiness movement in the late 19th century, which also gave rise to today’s Pentecostal movement and charismatic Christianity.⁷ However, although belonging to a global movement, Korea’s revival should be uniquely understood as a spiritual and cultural response to the national crisis of the early 20th century.

For Koreans, revival was a cathartic opportunity to express pain amid Japan’s control over the country. But it was also significant for four other reasons. First, it made the church remarkably Korean. In many ways, the Great Revival was the “Korean Pentecost,” which shaped the Korean church and its practices. The fusion of the missionary evangelical tradition and the Korean hope for national salvation molded the Korean church into a national religion.⁸ Second, the revival captured something of the zeitgeist and connected it with Korean culture in a way that other religions and Catholic Christianity could not, giving Protestantism a popular appeal. Through the revival, Christianity was revealed to be not only an intellectual and social reform movement but also a spiritual and emotional religious movement.⁹ The language of the Old Testament and the Gospels appealed to the Korean public under oppression, and Christianity’s use of Hangeul, the popular language, facilitated continuity with popular beliefs. Third, revival meetings brought together Koreans from different backgrounds.¹⁰ The Confucian elites did not conceive of religion as having such passion and emotion. However, through the revival, Christianity intersected with those who believed in Confucianism, as well as with those from backgrounds of Buddhism, traditional religion, and new religious movements.¹¹ Fourth, although spirituality and confession were ostensibly limited to the immoral acts of the confessors, personal repentance and righteousness were theologically linked to the national disaster and the struggle for justice. Under such circumstances, the Great Revival naturally encouraged a broader hope for heaven, beyond the spiritual aspects of religion.

The pursuit of revival and the growth of Protestant churches continued after liberation. Revival has become characteristic of Korean churches.¹² However, the growth-oriented revival movement has been criticized since the 1980s, and the credibility and reliability of the church in society have been questioned. In this regard, this article will deal with another aspect of the Korean church: the movement seeking resistance.

Protest Theology Through Social Transformation and Sociopolitical Participation

Although the theology of the early Protestant missionaries was known as conservative and pietistic, their ministry encompassed education, health care, youth work, women’s organizations, and social welfare for the poor. These wide-ranging ministries stemmed initially from restrictions on their missionary work and the missionaries’ need for relatively easy access to the general public and favor among political leaders. When missionaries arrived, the Korean elite and educated reformers saw Christianity as a means to modernize Korea through Western-style schools, hospitals, newspapers, and publications. Many prominent reformers and political leaders became Christians, and among intellectuals and the common people, there was a deep connection between the acceptance of Christianity and the pursuit of political independence and social reform. Among the converts, social leaders understood the Christian message as a “quasi-political doctrine” similar to earlier social reforms to rebuild Korea after its dependence on China and Confucian traditions. Christian leaders saw the potential and sought to bring about a modern nation-state by awakening people through free speech, through education in Western values and social responsibility, and through churches, schools, and media, instead of relying on violence.¹³

Because of this, Christianity contributed to modernization in many ways. First, Christianity emphasized conversion, personal conscience, and personal responsibility, encouraging Christians to be reborn, do good, and develop their individual life rather than accepting a life status determined by birth. Moreover, the polity of the Presbyterian Church laid the foundation for Korean democratic processes. Second, Christian leaders and missionaries presented an alternative to the strict hierarchy and absolute obedience to the monarch in Korean society. For example, medical facilities tended to both the rich and the poor. Third, through the establishment of schools and the promotion of Hangeul, illiterate people—including women and those lacking education—were made aware of their culture, history, and language, which also contributed to a sense of national pride. Fourth, Christian education and institutions imparted Western scientific and technological knowledge, historical consciousness, and morality, encouraging open-ended inquiry rather than the rigid and bureaucratic approach under the dominant Confucian academies. They dispelled superstitions, questioned traditional rituals, and developed ideas about human freedom and social justice, which led to the growth of social conscience and social improvement.

It was in the March First Independence Movement where Christianity played a nationwide role as a catalyst for social, political, economic, and cultural renewal. When Japan made Korea a protectorate of the Japanese Empire in 1905, Korean Christians participated in the movement against Japanese colonial rule. They organized prayer groups for national salvation, planned protests against the treaty (even committing suicide in protest), attempted to assassinate Japanese and Korean officials, organized an army to fight the Japanese army, sabotaged the taxes levied by the governor-general, and formed political parties and social groups.

The March First Independence Movement was organized mainly by students, educators, and religious leaders, with the encouragement of foreign nationalists, and Christians were among the main instigators. Although churches were not institutionally involved, church property was frequently used for demonstrations.¹⁴ Of the 489 religious leaders arrested, half were Christian ministers. Almost all pastors in Seoul and Pyongyang—and many other church ministers—were imprisoned.¹⁵ Women and girls also played a leading role. Christian women in particular accounted for 60 percent of the 471 arrests, and a majority of the prominent female leaders in the movement were Christians.¹⁶

These resistance movements laid foundations for the people’s movement and democratization movement after liberation from Japan in 1945. From the 1960s, Korea’s economy grew rapidly; however, factory workers were seriously exploited through their working conditions and wages. In this context, some Christian leaders realized that a new theological paradigm was necessary to meet the needs of the urban poor who had become victims of the highly competitive capitalist market. The People’s Movement was sparked in November 1970 when Jeon Tae-il took his own life to protest the exploitation of his colleagues in a clothing factory. The incident shook the country, and socially concerned Christians treated it as a major issue, taking the side of the poor and exploited.

These minjung theologians (theologians for the masses) captured people’s imaginations and raised issues of poverty and exploitation in the church. Minjung theology was a “theology of protest” and made a great contribution to the Korean church and society by rediscovering the gospel of liberation and justice. Minjung theology was good news for the poor and, like the gospel of holistic blessing of the popular revivals, it was meant to address the problems of the poor. However, it differed significantly from the former in how it dealt with economic issues. Overall, minjung theology challenged the church and society to solve issues of socioeconomic and political injustice, helped to achieve democracy in Korea, and played a prophetic role in Korean history. However, rather than forming the mainstream Korean church, protest theology was expressed by progressive churches in these historic movements and has mainly provided a challenging message to the church and society.

Interaction Between Revival and Protest Theologies in Korean Christianity

Predominant views tend to polarize these two traditions. Scholars regard the progressive and conservative denominations and churches as separate and monolithic. They argue that there should be dialogue and mutual understanding between the two in order to achieve a healthier and more mature church. However, I argue that it is an urgent task for sustainable church renewal to recognize that both theologies coexist within each tradition, to reinterpret their relationship, and to discover the commonality deeply embedded within each. In this regard, I will reexamine the Great Revival and the March First Movement discussed above.

Many historians have criticized the Korean Revival as being apolitical, an escape from reality. On the contrary, we cannot see the Great Revival as only spiritual because church members who participated in Bible studies and revival meetings also actively participated in the national struggle, including the March First Independence Movement a few years later. I hold that by emphasizing inner spiritual and ethical renewal, overcoming the dualistic approach to faith, and strengthening the leadership of Korean Christianity, the revival was a catalyst of Christian maturation that included developing a holistic faith. The content of the Christian message, especially the story of the Israelites and the words and ministry of Jesus, laid the foundations for Christian engagement in public life. In the early 20th century, for Koreans, heaven was the restoration of the nation in the coming of the kingdom of God.

Christians were embodying a holistic Christianity that included spiritual-cultural, sociopolitical, otherworldly (sacred), and this-worldly (secular) applications. Although the revival movement was superficially seen as focused on spiritual and eternal dimensions, in fact, it laid the foundation for growing the Christian community in playing the role of salt and light in society. In particular, the March First Movement was a nonviolent movement resulting from the participation of several leaders of the Great Revival and their interpretation of the teachings of Christ. The Great Revival should not be understood as nonpolitical escapism but as a part of the national struggle to find individual or communal identity within the suffering nation.

Similarly, revisiting the March First Independence Movement in this context, it was not a purely political movement as many think. At least for Christians, it was a visible expression of what it means to follow the Christian gospel as a community. Although Christian participation may seem very secular because of the seeming absence of the Christian message in the Declaration of Independence, the declaration should be viewed as an integrated expression of the Christian vision within public discourse. In that sense, the March First Declaration of Independence can be seen as a public declaration of Christianity in Korean history.

In the same way, the democratization movement of the 1970s and 1980s appeared secular on the surface but was, inside, deeply spiritual in that it was based on the values of justice, equality, and peace, as emphasized in the Bible. In a period of turbulence in society, Korean Christianity actively contributed not only to political, economic, and ethical renewal but also to cultural and ideological changes. This influence was possible mainly because of society’s acceptance of Christianity as a source of inspiration for ethical and moral conduct and as a catalyst for the struggle for dignity and freedom, satisfying Koreans’ spiritual quest for a meaningful life.

In conclusion, in the Korean church, the two seemingly contradictory dimensions of political reform and spiritual-cultural transformation are in fact deeply related from its early Christian history to the present. The spirits of revival Christianity and protest Christianity clearly continue, coexisting through mutual recognition and maintain a creative tension. This is not a suggestion to pursue any centrist theology. It is only natural and desirable that ecclesial communities or individuals cannot always be oriented towards the middle, and it is natural and desirable to have particularities in one’s own theology. As discussed above, when looking closely at the Great Revival Movement and the March First Independence Movement, you will see that seemingly opposite theological positions are entwined within them. What I argue is that each church community should acknowledge and critically accept different tendencies of theology while maintaining its own theological emphasis. To this end, it is important for these two traditions to form a more mature Korean church through dialogue with each other. However, and more importantly, an internal dialogue needs to take place within each tradition to recognize and critically accept its diverse theological tendencies, for sustainable church renewal.